“As Mr. North gazes upon this great idol of human worship, to which so much gold is offered up every day, his mind whirls: ‘What a world of riches must be gathered from such a vast concourse of people! I say no more…’[1] ”
Introduction
Sultan Mehmed IV (r. 1648-1687), often known as “the Hunter”, assumed the position of ruler of the Ottoman Empire at the tender age of six. Under his rule, rebellions broke out in Istanbul and Anatolia, and the financial problems of the empire remained unresolved. The appointment of the Köprülüs as grand viziers, on the other hand, signified the commencement of a phase characterized by notable accomplishments against Venice in the Mediterranean, the Habsburg Empire, and the Polish Commonwealth in the northern regions. During the reign of Mehmed IV, significant military expeditions were also undertaken against the Habsburgs in 1663[2] , the Polish in 1672[3] , and the Russians in 1678[4] . Mehmed IV demonstrated a vested interest in the exploration of hunting territories, with particular emphasis on the city of Edirne, which functioned as his principal administrative center. Edirne thus became the site of the 1675 imperial festival (sur-ı hümayun)[5] . Furthermore, he resided in that city for the rest of his life after his removal from power in 1687, four years following the unsuccessful siege of Vienna[6] .
This essay explores the 1675 imperial festival, which was organized to celebrate various momentous occurrences, such as the annexation of Crete (1669)[7] , the conquest of the castles of Uyvar (1663), and Kamianets-Podilskyi (1672). Additionally, the festival commemorated the circumcision of Sultan Mehmed IV’s sons and the wedding of his daughter[8] . The essay also places emphasis on the gift-giving ceremonies[9] , examining the concept of gifting as a hybrid practice that encompasses elements of both commodity exchange and obligatory fees. The utilization of these practices by the Ottoman court served the purpose of rationalizing ongoing military conflicts[10] and upholding the loyalty of the subject population. Significantly, the scholarly discourse has scarcely explored the involvement and active participation in the Ottoman festive events. This essay aims to address this research gap by primarily drawing upon official and non-official sources from the relevant historical period. Previous scholarly works primarily concentrated on the participation of artisans in celebratory events, particularly those with theatrical and entertaining elements[11]. Contemporary scholarship has shifted its emphasis in recent years to highlight the dissatisfaction expressed by artisans[12]. However, there has been a lack of emphasis on the military dimension of the festival, as evidenced by the instances of artisans’ pageantry and the involvement of army artisans. This essay examines this significant aspect of the festival and the involvement of artisans in various activities, including gift giving, parading, and offering services, labor, and financial contributions made by artisans originated from Istanbul, Edirne, and, in a specific case, Bursa[13]. Thus, it aims to offer a thorough examination of both concealed and overt aspects of an early modern event.
Overall, this essay discusses the roles performed by the paraded artisans and the practices of exchanging gifts that are evident in the festival. It then pays attention to artisans who offered a diverse yet similar range of their services during both periods of peace and conflict[14]. In other words, this essay argues that imperial festivals, here the 1675 festival, exhibited a “military tone” whereby pageantry and activities of artisans mirrored those observed during military campaigns and imperial festivals. More specifically, the imperial festival that occurred in 1675 coincided with the Ottoman-Polish War. The notable imperial festivals in 1582 and 1720, however, appear to have taken place in a less militaristic context. The former event transpired four years subsequent to the Ottoman-Safavid battles, while the latter occurred two years after the engagement with the Habsburg and Venetian forces. Therefore, this essay aims to examine the 1675 festival as a case study in order to investigate both the civic and militaristic aspects of an imperial festival, with a particular focus on the involvement of artisans. The essay examines the involvement of various guilds in the festival, including the main/actively involved guilds and auxiliary artisans (yamak esnafı). It also explores the similarities between the practices of both guilds and army artisans (orducu esnafı), thus relevant auxiliaries[15].
1. Artisans at Parade
During the period spanning from the sixteenth to the first half of the eighteenth century, the Ottoman court employed elaborate and widely recognized guild pageants as a means of celebrating various significant events such as the weddings of the sultan’s daughters, the circumcisions of the male heirs, the enthronement of the new sultans, the launch of campaigns, and military victories[16]. The pictorial books give voice to the guilds’ participation and the splendor of their pageants at the 1582 imperial festival[17]. Evliya Çelebi (1611-1682)[18], a famous Ottoman traveler during the seventeenth century, documented the parade of guilds held for the departure of Murad IV (r. 1623-1640) on his military campaign to recapture Bagdad in 1638. Moreover, Eremya Çelebi Kömürciyan (1637-1695), an Ottoman Armenian residing in Istanbul, recounted a triumphal celebration in the city that Muslim and Christian artisans participated in together. Antoine Galland (1646- 1715), the French ambassador, documented the procession of guilds that took place as the Ottoman army embarked on their Polish expedition in 1672. In the year 1675, the guilds of Istanbul, Edirne, Bursa (at least in one case) actively engaged in parades as part of the circumcision festival, three years subsequent to the aforementioned event. The practice of guild pageants endured during other significant historical events, including Mehmed IV’s military campaign to Russia in 1678 and the circumcision festival held in Istanbul in 1720.
The festival of the princes’ circumcision commenced on Sunday, May 26, 1675, and spanned a duration of fifteen consecutive days[19]. During the initial three days of the festival, declarations pertaining to military triumphs were pronounced. On the second and third days, a series of simulated military conflicts, mock battles, and pyrotechnic displays were organized to demonstrate the Ottoman Empire’s supremacy in both terrestrial and maritime domains. Following this, the guild pageants commenced on the fourth day and continued for the duration of the remaining period in the late afternoon at the festival square (Sırık Meydanı), located in close proximity to the imperial palace in Edirne. On the fourth day of the festivities, the procession was commenced by bread makers (ekmekçiler) [20] and the bun makers (çörekçiler) [21], who were subsequently followed by the butchers (kassablar) and the dried and fresh fruit sellers (kuru ve yaş yemişçiler) [22]. Candle makers (mumcular), furriers (kürkçüler), tanners (debbağlar), shoemakers (pabuççular), quilted-turban makers (sarık yapıcılar), tailors (terziler), and shoe sellers (kundura satıcıları/haffafan) exhibit a shared pattern, indicating a collective correlation between a festival and a campaign in specific contexts. The adverse weather conditions experienced on the seventh day of the festival required a departure from the usual sequence of the pageant, resulting in the need to make adjustments that lasted until the tenth day (refer to Table 1)[23]. There were limited guild pageants on the tenth day of the festivities, which can likely be attributed to the grand cavalcade. Both miniature and life-sized nahıls[24] artificial wax trees adorned with valuable textiles were part of this ceremonial procession where the eldest son of the sultan, Prince Mustafa (future sultan, r. 1695-1703) commenced his journey from the Old Palace of Edirne, also known as Saray-ı Atik and proceeded towards the official residence of the sultan. The following day, the thirteenth guilds proceeded as usual, and finally, the genuine circumcision of the successors and the corresponding ceremonial rituals took place on the twelfth day of the festival. Some guilds specific to Istanbul made their appearance on the final two days. Included in this group were the merchants of Egypt (bazerganan-ı Mısır) [25], the second-hand dealers/repairers (eskiciyan), tinsmiths (kalaycıyan), and cauldron makers (kazgancıyan), packsaddle makers (semerciyan) from both cities, the shoe-tip makers (na’lçacıyan) of Edirne, and the barbers (berberan) of Edirne. Notwithstanding the existence of four discrete Edirne guilds, the final two days of the festival were predominantly characterized by the prominence of Istanbul guilds.[26] All the guild pageants were completed before the banquet that took place on the fifteenth day of the festival.
2. ‘Look a Gift-Horse in the Mouth:’ Gift-Givers and Their Recipients
As a well-established practice, the act of exchanging gifts during imperial festivals held great importance[31]. The phenomenon of gift-giving, commonly referred to as the “gift mode”[32] in scholarly literature, as observed during the 1675 circumcision festival, can be understood as a practice that combines elements of commodity exchange and displays of social hierarchies. During the festival, various highranking officials, including the grand vizier, second vizier (also known as the groom), third vizier, chief treasurer, deputy grand vizier, and judges/kadıs as well as provincial power holders[33] from across the empire, offered their gifts to the sultan[34] and partook in the royal banquets[35], which continued throughout the festival.
One of the most important participants of the festival was artisans. Artisans, like high-ranking officials, offered their gifts. After the pageants, they specifically presented silver gifts that they had skillfully created or obtained[36]. Figure 1 depicts the offering made by the tinsmiths: a rosewater flask accompanied by a silver incensory[37]. The offerings presented by the barley dealers of Istanbul, the grocers (bakkalan) of Istanbul, and the cloth merchants of Istanbul who served the royal court (Sandalcıyan-ı Rikab-ı Hümayun) consisted of objects Chinese ceramics (fağfur), or silver rosewater flasks (gülabdan). In the seventeenth century, Chinese ceramics were frequently employed as opulent ceremonial objects. In a similar vein, various artisan groups in Istanbul, including bread makers, tanners of Yedikule (debbağ-ı Yedikule der Asitane), tailors, saddlers (sarracıyan/sarraçan), made contributions in the form of silver candlesticks, as shown in Figure 2[38].
The offerings provided by the artisans were relatively fewer compared to those presented by the upper class. However, the quantity and variety of gifts varied among artisans. For instance, the Istanbul herbalists (attaran) offered a generous assortment of gifts, including four turban muslins (destar) [41], two balls of brimmed linen (kenarlı bez), two brocaded badule/badle, a bundle (boğça) of velvet with gold (zerduz) [42], one prayer rug broadcloth (çuka) made with gold (zerduz), a kılabdan bundle[43], two mirzayi bugasi[44], a brocaded kerchief (sırmalı makrama) [45], and three kerchiefs. Meanwhile, Istanbul cloth sellers (bezzazan) [46] presented two silver trays and a silver tankard as their contributions. After presenting their gifts, artisans eagerly awaited the sultan’s gift (atiyye), which likely served as a way to obtain additional funds and cover the expenses related to the portable platforms, costumes, and other elements of celebration that were carried during their processions. As explicitly mentioned in the festival book, the grandeur of the pageant was credited to each guild’s rank[47].
Obtaining the sultan’s gift proved to be a challenging task[48]. The artisans’ gifts[49] was contingent upon the verification, approval, and documentation of the gifts by a state official in a distinct register[50]. Indeed, the secretary of the Turkey Company (later the Levant Company), Thomas Coke, who gave some details about the Ottoman custom of gift-giving, noted that the bestowal of gifts was not solely dependent on the presenter’s discretion and generosity. Rather, there seem to have prescribed guidelines dictating the nature and quantity of gifts to be given. He wrote that gifts “were not left to the liberty and generosity of the Presenter, but they were taxt they should give, and an Officer appointed to survey the quality of them; which if not approved, was returned, and perhaps augmented: for in this Country it’s no ill manners to look a gift-Horse in the Mouth”[51]. According to T. Coke’s observations: Firstly, the act of giving gifts was not left to the arbitrary choice of the giver; secondly, it was acceptable to express criticism regarding the gifts; and third if the gifts were not adequately valued, there was the possibility of returning them[52].
Still, the festival provided a valuable opportunity to showcase their artistic creations, which potentially would result in financial rewards. François Pétis de la Croix, the secretary of the French ambassador, tells us about his observations about the artisans’ pageantry and how the sultan, who expressed his great enthusiasm for the tanners’ procession, and thus generously renumerated them with one of the most substantial amounts:
“The march of the tanners seemed to me the most beautiful of all, it began with sixty boys, differently dressed in the skins of animals of various species, of which they wore a face filled with straw and very well formed on the shoulder, there were lions, tigers, leopards, bears, wolves, foxes & deer wolves, ermines, martens, weasels, hares, rabbits, dogs, cats, & finally of all the animals of which they are used for the ornament of men.
They were followed by thirty-six others, whose crew was quite gallant, they had donned the skin of a tiger and la tarque, wore a large round cap on their head, with a sable edge half a foot high, and they accompanied a shop covered with sable marten, lined inside with a quantity of very precious skins, and one can say that the richest spoils of all these animals appeared in this ceremony, the Masters having adorned themselves with the most precious furs that they had in their stores”[53].
The gifts given by the sultan ranged from minimum 800 to maximum 2,400. Silk merchants’ guild (gazzazan) received a substantial amount. As mentioned above, the tanners received one of the largest sums because of their splendid performance. However, F. Pétis de la Croix stated that those who delivered the most opulent gifts did not necessarily receive large sums. Those who received the highest amount included the silk manufacturers, cauldron makers (kazgancıyan), tailors, grocers, blanket makers, and Jews (no indication that they belonged to any guild) of Istanbul[55]. The aforementioned graph also lists the five people or groups who were directly employed by the royal court to fulfill specific requirements[56], including the merchants (bazarganan-ı Rikab-ı Hümayun), the serasercıyan who were the makers of the textile made of silk, silver, and gold (Rikab-ı Hümayun serasercıyan), the makers of silk cloth, the head of the jewelers (kethüda-yı kuyumcıyan), who provided, for instance an exclusive item, a hand fan embellished with pearls[57], the head of the bread makers (Ekmekçibaşı Dilaver Agha), and the head of cooks (El-Hac Hüseyin Agha) [58].
According to the chief treasurer’s official records, sixty guilds presented gifts to the sultan along with the patriarch of Istanbul and the Jews of Edirne and Istanbul (Edirne Yahudileri and Asitanede Sakin Yahudiler) [59].
Table 2 provides data that the sultan received gifts from a total of sixty guilds, with thirty-four of these guilds located in Istanbul and the remaining twenty-six guilds in Edirne.
3. On the Other Side of the Coin: The Burden and the Benefits of the Festival
Based on textual evidence from contemporary observers, there are indications that people partook in gossip and shared information regarding the sultan’s monetary acquisition through gifts, as well as the management of overall expenses by the royal court during the festival, which occurred within the context of war. More specifically, in his diary, John Covel, an English witness of the festival, made mention of the presence of stories pertaining to the sultan’s financial benefits derived from the gifts[61]. He wrote: “it is commonly reported that the cost of all these sports, etc., come to 12,000 purses of money, whereas his presents come to at least 32,000 purses, each purse being 500 doll.; so he gained 20,000 purses, or 10,000,000 dollars, which, at 4s. 6d. the dollar, makes 2,250,000 Ib. sterling”[62].
John Shirley, who published The History of the Turks (1684) in London approximately nine years after the festival[63], however, described the predicament encountered by the Ottoman court because of the financial burdens incurred from previous military endeavors and extravagant festivities and thus resorted to selling properties, which ultimately proved inadequate in covering expenses. As a result, the Ottoman court implemented a reduction in both the pensions allocated to military troops and their overall numbers[64]. J. Shirley highlighted the pressing economic challenges that the Ottoman court encountered immediately following the event. The assertions made by the official Ottoman chroniclers during that era corroborate the claim that the Ottoman court made the decision to close the Galata Palace and İbrahim Pasha Palace in Istanbul and the Old Palace of Edirne[65]. To acquire additional financial resources, the Old Palace of Edirne was sold to the treasurer for a total of eighty purses. Paul Rycaut, the English Consul at Smyrna (İzmir), made notable contributions to the documentation of financial events in the period under consideration through his works, namely The Turkish History (1687)[66] and its successor edition, History of the Turks (1701)[67]. Based on his accounts, in an effort to augment the state treasury’s financial resources, the office of Cairo was sold, and the chief customer was removed from his position, so facilitating the transfer of a monetary sum to the treasury. Although P. Rycaut argued against the necessity of festival spending, it is also important to acknowledge that the festival served as a means to showcase Ottoman dominance, secure its longevity, and establish political alliances during the continuing war.
J. Covel further documented noteworthy gifts presented by Mustafa Pasha, the kaimmakam/deputy grand vizier, citing their significant market as a compelling illustration[68]. Based on J. Covel’s calculations, the monetary value of the pasha’s contributions to the sultan reached 64,520 dollars. Additionally, the gifts to the elder heir were valued at 25,000 dollars while those given to the younger heir were evaluated at 10,000 dollars. Regardless of the precision of his calculation, it appears that the festival yielded certain economic benefits for the Ottoman court.[69] On the other side of the medal was, for example Ali Pasha, the grand admiral (Kapudan), who borrowed to get priceless offerings. His gifts included a curved saber (şemşir) with a jeweled grasp, nine silver tankards, five silver bowls with the pitcher, nine Istanbul seraseri[70], nine bloomy (çiçekli) velvet garments (donluk) [71], nine satins, interwoven with silver or gold threads (telli atlas) [72], nine pieces of cashmere shawl fabric (şal-ı keşmiri), nine sade hatayi donluk[73], nine Indian kutni[74], nine embossed[75] satins[76], for which he had to borrow 36,000 akçes from Eyüp Efendi and 8,616 guruş from Yasef[77]. Despite the fact that gift-giving may have helped him retain his position and provided him with additional benefits, he and presumably other high-ranking officials may bear some of the financial burdens of the festival by providing expensive gifts.
Like upper class people, ordinary people were expected to contribute to the festival. As such, although he seems ultimately failed to tax them, a local judge named Esseyyid Mehmed asked the residents of the Yenişehir kazası for 4,000 guruş for the festival and 5,000 akça for the military[78]. The available information is insufficient to ascertain whether local authorities have also failed in other locations. Nonetheless, the Yenişehir case clearly illustrates the multidimensional nature of the festival’s challenges, which could potentially spark opposition.
Despite its burdens, the festival required a substantial quantity of slave and non-slave labor and also provided job opportunities including various artisans and laborers[79]. The works included organizing a semicircular main festival area and constructing seven royal tents next to the imperial palace[80]: The sultan’s tent was set up first, followed by the tent of the grand vizier. The tents of the chief treasurer, the deputy grand vizier, and the chief of the Janissaries were erected. All these were the massive tents built for the daily royal banquets given to Ottoman dignitaries; the royal tents that stood in ‘majestic immobility’[81] were equipped with a wooden platform that enabled the spectators to observe the entertainment and gift-giving ceremonies. According to available sources, two thousand Janissaries, including those employed by the royal palace, labored to create this environment[82]. Furthermore, the chief architect, along with a group of carpenters (neccaran), measured the processional path. They proceeded to remove the eaves of certain houses and the wall of the inn where nahıls were made. The production of artificial trees and candy gardens was undertaken by candy makers (şekerciyan) and carpenters. The illuminators (işareciyan) were responsible for providing illumination throughout the nighttime hours. Simultaneously, the performers (hanendegan, sazendegan, mukallidan, lu’debazan) sang and danced whereas the tulumcus[83] amused the crowd while ensuring the safety of the festival square[84]. In addition, the acrobats, illuminators, and fireworks makers (fişengciyan) [85] (for their wages, see Table 3) were in charge of putting on a well-rehearsed performance, taking the stage after the parading guilds. As the sun set, the firework makers, including the artillerymen/gunners, took over the festival’s inner circle of the festival to perform pyrotechnic arts[86]. In a more specific context, hired men (ırgadan) were responsible for arranging and preparing the firework display at Ayişe Hatun Khan/Ekmekcizade Khan, and slaves were tasked with the transportation of the nahıls along the streets of Edirne, leading to the designated festival site[87]. A significant number of slaves under the Imperial Admiralty (Tersane-i Amire) were furthermore employed in the construction of ships and galleys for the purpose of facilitating the production of fireworks[88]. For the fireworks conducted each night of the circumcision festival, the firework makers collaborated with carpenters, laborers, box makers (kutucu), lathe makers (çıkrıkçıyan), bookbinders (mücellidan), ironsmiths (ahengeran), and bronzesmiths (ustadiye cereyan-ı nevadd-ı tuç) [89].
As shown in Table 3, the majority of festival artisans who labored behind the scenes of the festival were not compensated individually. Thus, individual payments cannot be determined precisely due to the absence of supporting evidence. Whether they received a satisfactory amount or not, or whether participating in the festival was something obligatory or not, artisans seem to discover potential opportunities to showcase their products and to secure their livelihoods for a while.
4. A Military Tone: Actively Involved Artisans and Auxiliary Artisans
The guilds that paraded during the circumcision festival of 1675 followed similar logic to the military campaign in 1672[92]; according to Antoine Galland, at least 3,000 guild members demonstrated their crafts through Istanbul’s streets in 1672[93]. He stated that apprentices and master artisans participated in the march of the guilds, some of whom were armed, while others were unarmed and mixed with imperial soldiers[94]. In the seventeenth century, several actively involved guilds in Istanbul were staffed with military personnel. Bread makers/ bakers, knife makers, cooks of sheep feet, tanners, shoe-tip makers, and quilted turban makers are among the Istanbul guilds that are known to have had military elements and were represented at the 1675 festival, though not necessarily on the main stage, indicating that the line between artisans and soldiers was becoming blurred.[95] Concerning the guild pageant, comparable scenes were observed at the festival in 1675 (see Table 1), regardless of whether or not they were the same army artisans. Aside from the pageants, they served practical purposes: while butchers slaughtered sheep, tanners processed their hides, bakers provided soldiers with daily bread, tailors repaired their uniforms, shoemakers made shoes, eskicis/second-hand shoe sellers/repairers sold or repaired shoes, gardeners and fruit sellers provided vegetables and fruits, and candlemakers (mumcıyan) created lighting.
The participation of artisans in the festivals appears to be less demanding than the logistical support they provided to the army or navy during war campaigns[96]. The issue was inextricably linked to the requirement that artisans[97] were compelled to provide services or pay taxes for campaigns or festivals[98]. In the seventeenth century and later, the state required direct services from artisans in Istanbul, Edirne, and Bursa while collecting army taxes from other cities to meet its growing requirements[99]. In a nutshell, the artisans assisted the state in resolving labor shortage issues and supplying utensils and taxes[100]. Those who did not join the army in this respect stayed behind and contributed as auxiliaries (yamaks)[101]. Even during the actual combat, army artisans[102] supplied the central army with weapons and equipment. They also accompanied the sultans on royal hunts, assisted in the construction of buildings and naval vessels, and served pilgrims visiting sacred sites[103]. Therefore, their participation as army artisans and auxiliaries was crucial to the success of the campaign and attendant royal festivals[104]. During campaigns, the auxiliaries were required to contribute funds to the actively involved guilds[105]. Throughout the seventeenth century, the Ottoman state reserved the right to compel their recruitment, leaving them with no choice. Thus, regardless of whether they were the actively involved guilds or auxiliaries, they were demanded to contribute[106].
A later document depicts the actively involved and auxiliary artisans to the festival: the broadcloth sellers and the cloth sellers of the Istanbul Bezestanı both were present at the festival. In 1720, however, the court’s head merchant (in charge of the palace’s purchases) considered the cloth dealers to be his auxiliary and pressed them to contribute more. The dispute was heard in a local court, where the judge rejected the chief merchant’s claims while validating the broadcloth sellers’ contribution to the 1675 festival, allowing them to avoid incurring additional costs[108]. Like the locals in Yenişehir kazası mentioned above, the broadcloth sellers also carried the burden of the festival, but in a different way.
Conclusion
This case study of the 1675 festival offers an illustration of how early modern festive occasions often encompassed cultural performances. However, it goes beyond that by analyzing the various roles of different participants, in our case artisans, and delving into their economic, social, and even political ramifications within a broader context. This essay also brings attention to the festival by examining some political, military-financial dynamics of the Ottoman court as well as interactions, negotiations, and indeed confrontations between the rulers and the ruled.
More specifically, in 1675, the Ottoman court celebrated military victories, a political marriage, and the circumcision of heirs with a grand festival. The festival served multiple purposes and was therefore more than just entertainment. Through the organization of this large-scale event, the sultan in Edirne aimed to display the progression of the royal lineage by means of the prospective ruler’s ceremonial procession. The sultan sought to reaffirm his status as the most powerful figure and generous ruler in his empire in the eyes of both his subjects and his rivalries. In order to accomplish this, gift ceremonies seem to mend and strengthen ties between the sultan and all of his subjects, including those from the upper and lower classes. While gifts to the sultan or to the heirs were an additional source of wealth, the need to cover the overall expenses of the festival led to the closure of three specific palaces, the sale of some state positions, and the transfer of funds from officials. Despite these measures, it is evident that both the gift-giving lowerand upper-class subjects struggled to afford the extravagantly costly gifts. However, they were not passive recipients, as they, like the aforementioned broadcloth sellers, refused to make additional payments. Others, such as the residents of Yenişehir kazası, were also able to resist funding the festival and military campaign. The presence of financial benefits, the burden imposed by the exchange of gifts, and the resistance exhibited by the local population towards officials collectively suggest that the ongoing wars and the magnitude of the festival were inadequate in reinforcing the desired ties during the 1675 imperial festival. Moreover, the attitude of the actively involved and auxiliary artisans at the festival (using army artisans as an example) was both cooperative and uncooperative, indicating their bargaining power and limitations.
On the one hand, the artisans and the slave and non-slave laborers bore the burden of the festival and the military campaigns. On the other hand, they were paid for some of their services (whether satisfactory or not), and they were fortunate if their gifts and pageants were well received, and they had the opportunity to promote their products and showcase their craftsmanship during their pageants. Since the artisans performed and labored similarly at a festival and a campaign, the actively involved and auxiliary artisans were visible in both, the festival of 1675 had a military tone, and the military had a festive tone with the pageants of the guilds.
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