ISSN: 0041-4255
e-ISSN: 2791-6472

Settlements and Population of the Presentday Montenegrin Polimlje in the Second Half of 15th Century

Marijan Premovıć

University of Montenegro, Faculty of Philosophy (History)

Keywords: XV century, Defters, Montenegrin Polimlje, Settlements, Population

Introduction

Geographically, Polimlje (the Lim valley) region falls into three parts: Upper, Central and Lower Polimlje. According to geographers, Upper Polimlje stretches from Gusinje to Berane, Central – from Bijelo Polje to Prijepolje, while Lower Polimlje encompasses the area from Prijepolje to the confl uence of the Lim into the Drina river. However, it is a homogeneous geographic region of the Lim river basin comprising certain parts of the territories of the present-day Montenegro, Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Administratively, the Montenegrin Polimlje comprises the municipalities of Gusinje, Plav, Andrijevica, Berane, Petnjica and Bijelo Polje.[1]

Ottoman rules at the end of 14th and in the fi rst half of 15th century did not, as it seems, result in any signifi cant changes or population movements in these parts. Not even after the fi nal conquest of this area (1455) did any major demographic change or an interruption in the population continuity occur. The fact that all the places in the parishes and wider areas kept their former names bears witness to this notion. Upon the conquest, the Ottoman authorities kept all the former toponyms frequently combining them with either new names or altered old ones.[2]

Fernand Braudel, one of the leading authorities on world history, designated the Ottoman rule as the liberation of the poor country folk with regard to the fact that the oppression of the country dwellers by their Christian feudal lords reached such proportions that many villagers regarded the Ottoman conquest as liberation in a similar way as the Spaniards greeted the Arabs as liberators from the Goths. The Ottoman state was orderly, resolute to conquer and expand, holding its people and each individual in high esteem. They ordered local princes to populate villages, attracted newcomers by off ering various incentives, tax deductions and, while expanding to the north and north-west, they granted special statuses and the people followed. This is well described both in Turkish chronicles and in Serbian and Bosnian records.[3]

The most signifi cant documents for Montenegrin Medieval history are cadastral defters (tahrîr defterleri).[4] The defters clearly show how the Ottoman rule expanded on Montenegro territory. The expansion started in 1455 by the invasion of the present-day Montenegrin Polimlje and ended with the fall of Bar and Ulcinj in 1571, with the time span clearly indicating that it was a lengthy process.

The following defters contain valuable information on settlements and demographics of this area: The Collective Cadastral Defter of the provincial governor IsaBeg Ishaković. This census was carried out between 9th and 18th May, 1455 and was a collective schedule;[5] The Collective Defter of Bosnia Sanjak was commenced on 26th January 1468 and completed on 12th May 1469.[6] Individual Defter of the Sanjak of Herzegovina Vilayet was started in 1475 and completed by the end of 1477;[7] The Summary Defter of Pasha Sanjak of 1477/8 (1477/8 Tarihli Paşa Sancağı İcmal Tahrir Defteri), [8] The Inventory Defter of the Sanjak of Scutari of 1485 (Defter-i mufassal-i liva-i Iskenderiye sene-i 890-hijri) was commenced in 1479 and fi nished between 17th February and 18th March 1485. The editor of this defter, S. Pulaha, points out that Scutari Defter followed the pattern of comprehensive defters (mufassal);[9] The Summary Defter of Bosnia Sanjak of 1485 and the Comprehensive Defter of Bosnia Sanjak of 1489.[10] A comparative study of these seven counts has enabled us to present the type of administrative organisation, settlement typology, to trace the demographic changes, land ownership changes, social stratifi cation and statuses, the taxation system, etc.[11]

These censuses, combined with the retroactive method, thoroughly compensate for the defi ciency of information for the reconstruction of settlements and demographics in the Middle Ages. The Defters present the situation as it was there and then within the administrative units – nahiyas. Nahiya is an Arab word (nāhī) which means side, part, region, area. In the Ottoman state, nahiyas were the basic administrative entities which composed sanjaks. Frequently, a nahiya was a natural geographic whole and bore the name of its centre – a municipality, a town, a larger village, a fortress or the nearest river.[12]

Defters have given us the opportunity to try to estimate the population of villages and nahiyas. They contain information on heads of households, males, widows, bachelors, Muslims and monks. These data help to determine an approximate population of the area, their ethnicity and movement. Such approximations are hampered by the fact that people who were relieved of taxation for various reasons were not listed (falconers, paramilitary militias – derbenci, etc.) and therefore, based on the defters, we can only research the listed population and not the total population of a cadastral area. Theses censuses did not list the whole Muslim population. The list item of a household consisted of married couples, males and widows.[13] Estimations of the number of household members in the Middle Ages vary from author to author: some deem that an average number of household members was between 3.5 and 7, while others are of the opinion that there were 4 to 5 members. M. Rаšević insists on 4.4 members per household.[14] Ömer Lutfi Barkan insist on 5 member,[15] Nejat Göyünc insist 3-5 member per household.[16] The most methodologically acceptable estimation is that the number of members per household was 5 if it was headed by a man and 2.5 if the household was headed by a widow.[17] Bachelors, listed in the censuses were multiplied by the coeffi cient 1. The number of monks has been calculated in the same way as bachelors regardless of the fact that some of them, before becoming monks, were married and had children. This approximation revealed the tendencies in the population size and movement.[18] The household heads had to pay an annual İspençe (tax per capita, personal tax) of 25 akçes19] In Polimlje, the taxation per capita varied for Muslim households. Some were completely relieved of paying the individual tax, some paid 6 akçes while others paid 9 and the reason for such considerable diff erences in the taxation have never been established.[20] Single-member households paid smaller taxes than others and the households headed by widows were relieved of any taxation except İspençe, which was 6 akçes per annum. The number of widows in the defters was small and therefore it can be assumed that, due to unfavourable life circumstances, widowed women frequently remarried in order to improve their situation.[21]

After the Ottoman conquest of these parts, the land was proclaimed state property and, as in other conquered areas, its supreme owner was the Sultan. Estates were categorised as either hass, zeamet or timar. Hass holders were the Sultan, viziers, beylerbeys, sanyak-beys, defterdars and marksmen. According to a classifi cation from around 1516, the annual revenue from a hass was over 100,000 akçes. Zeamet holders were alaybeys, timar kiayas, timar defterdars, the Divan clerks, chaushes (çavuşes) and subashis. The annual zeamet revenue was from 20.000 to 100.000 akçes. Timar is an estate granted to a person to collect annual revenue from it no bigger than 19.999 akçes. It was not granted for life and could not be inherited, but was rather a compensation for the military service of the timariot (the holder). Additionally, the timariot was responsible for supervising his timar territory and the peasants who lived on it. The baştinas (inheritable plots of arable land) of the peasants who lived on a timar, zeamet or hass had an important role in the timar system. The defters listed chifl iks, mezras (small villages), hass farmland, meadows, orchards and vineyards[.22]

1. Limski Nikšići Nahiya in the Ottoman Defters of 1455, 1468/69, 1485 and 1489

In the last decade of 14th and the fi rst few decades of the 15th century, groups of Nikšić Vlach cattle-breeders populated the deserted parts of Potarje (the Tara Valley) and central Polimlje. This group of cattle-breeders started collaborating with the Ottomans very early and became their subjects long before the fall in 1455. In The Collective Cadastral Defter of the provincial governor Isa-Beg Ishaković of 1455, they were listed as administrative territorial unit of Limski Nikšići vilayet (Lim Niksikler, efl aklardır –Vlasi su). The village of Kruševo-on-the-Lim belonged to Isa-Beg Ishaković’s hass with the revenue of 525 akçes. Three Vlachs from this area were listed as timariots: Stepan, the son of Nikšić (Bistrica), Vladka, the son of Stepan (Cerovo), V’lka, the son of Godevac (Obod), all three of them as sipahis (armed horseman) of the Nikšići vilayet.[23]

The Ottomans considered the Vlachs to have a signifi cant social, political and military infl uence. In Limski Nikšići vilayet, the Vlachs were given land with an obligation to participate in military campaigns and in that way they were incorporated into the Ottoman military system.[24] This area included 4 rural settlements, 40 houses, 3 single adult members of households, 2 widows, 207 inhabitants and the revenue of 4,051 akçes. Nahiya Limski Nikšići included the area between the Lim and the Tara rivers, Kolašin to the south, Mojkovac to the north-west, and its northernmost part was Bijelo Polje area.

Table 1. The provinces of Isa-Beg Ishaković (The Collective Cadastral Defter of 1455), vilayet Nikšići [25]

In 1463, after the conquest of Bosnian provinces, the Kovаčević province and certain parts of Herzog Stefan Land, the Ottomans turned them into vilayets. These areas were then annexed to the already existing vilayets in the Brаnković province and in Bosnia forming thus The Sanjak of Bosnia. [26] In the 1468/69 defter, Nahiya Limski Nikšići was listed as a part of Jeleč Vilayet and it stated that all the revenue belonged to Ahmed-bey, the son of Isa-Beg Ishaković. [27] The seat of this vilayet was in the town of Jeleč. [28] Here we present the rural settlements of Bijelo Polje area:

Table 2. The Summary Defter of Bosnia Sanjak of 1468/69 for Nahiya Limski Nikšići [29]

In a way, each nahiya was a semi-military administrative unit within the Ottoman feudal system. This one listed 9 rural settlements, of which some still exist by the same name and some have ceased to exist.[30] These villages had 51 households, 38 adult bachelors and the population of 618 inhabitants – almost three times bigger than in 1455; the gross revenue was 8,120 akçes and no notes were made that these inhabitants were Vlachs. When we compare the data from 1455 and 1468/69 defters, there is a noticeable demographic growth and an infl ow of people into this area which caused a rapid increase in the number of settlements and households. This nahiya included the villages of Bijelo Polje, Mojkovac, Kolašin and Nikšić.

There are two more defters for the Sanjak of Bosnia that include Limski Nikšići Nahiya from 1485 (comprehensive) and from 1489 (detailed). The defter of 1485 listed 22 rural settlements. The Sultan’s hass had 1 village, and 21 villages were listed as the zeamet of Kasim-bey, brother of Davud Pasha.[31] In Polimlje, the defter listed 9 rural settlements, 147 households that paid the ushri tax (land tax), 34 adult bachelors, 15 Vlach households which paid fi luri tax, while the total population was 844 inhabitants.

Table 3. Rural settlements and the population in Limski Nikšići Nahiya in Bosnia Sanjak Defter of 1485[32]

According to the detailed defter of 1489, there was 27 villages in the Nikšić Nahiya. 4 villages belonged to the Sultan’s hass, while the remainder of 23 villages was also listed as Kasim-bey’s zeamet. People with the Vlach status (eflâk) were listed in 15 villages of this zeamet. It is important to mention here that they were not listed as whole villages but only as their parts (an karye). Both defters contain a note on the Vlachs in Limski Nikšići Nahiya: The Vlachs communities (cemâat) in the Nikšić Nahiya, pay according to the Vlach custom since they are long-time sipahis. They pay one fi luri, one ram and one ewe with a lamb per house and a tent (çerge) per every 15 houses; additionally, they give one ram per every 60 houses or an equivalent value as afore mentioned. Additionally, they give one sipahi per every 15 houses.[33] This Vlach population had a military obligation to the Ottoman State for which they were granted certain privileges. They bred cattle and farmed the land for which they paid the ushri and resm taxes.[34]

Table 4. Villages and population in Limski Nikšići Nahiya in the Bosnia Sanjak Defter of 1489[35]

The same number of villages was listed as in the previous three defters – 9, 121 households which paid the ushri tax, 15 adult bachelors and 14 Vlach households which paid fi luria tax. The total population was 690.

2. Ljuboviđa Nahiya in Herzegovina Sanjak Defter of 1477

In the Individual Defter of Herzegovina Sanjak, The Vlach Nahiya of Ljuboviđa was designated as territorially belonging to the Lim Valley. In the second part of 15th century, a rather sizeable group of cattle-breeders[36] lived in the river basin Ljuboviđe and settled in a large part of the medieval parish (župa) of Ljuboviđa.[37] Most probably, this Vlach group belonged to a larger pastoral group which had roamed about the wider area of Potarje before permanently settling here. There are records of seven Vlach communities (cemâats), headed by Knez Herak Vraneš.[38] The Knez Herak Nahiya was “a community of similar katuns gradually developing into a knez land“. The fi rst communities recorded in the Defter was the one belonging to Vuk, the son of Vranjuš, and Herak’s nephew. The Defter recorded that Vuk owned some baştina, as it was customary with the Vlachs, in the villages of Kukanj, Grebšić and Grabova. In a Trebinje village of Gorica, Vuk owned a vineyard and three fi elds for which he paid a tithe. Such an estate indicated that Vuk was a katun owner of a higher economic, social and political status. Interestingly, no summer or winter abodes of these communities were listed. The second community on the record was headed by Strahinja, the son of Braniš. It is diffi cult to determine the right family connection between Strahinja and Knez Herak. The leader of the third community was Ivaniš, the son of Bogdan. The fourth community listed in this area belonged to Đurađ (pronounced Dyurady), Knez Herak’s elder son and was the most populated of all the seven communities – it had 71 houses and 4 adult bachelors. The social structure of this community stands out. It included priest Radič, Cvetko – the blacksmith’s son, Vukašin – the tailor’s son, Petar – the musician’s son and an islamised head of a household Hasan, the son of Božidar. The fi fth and seventh communities’ leaders – Stepan, the son of Ivan and Kradisav, the son of Paskaš, together with Strahinja’s, Ivaniš’s and Đurađ’s communities, spent winters in the village of Ljuboviđa, and summers in Jelenjak, Vrato, Potrk, Krnja Jela, Kričani, Konj, Stup, Igrač, Boranj, Kamena Voda, Žar, Barica, Žjebato, Stoga, Ponikvica, Jeleška and Duga. All these cattle-breeders spent winters near the Ljuboviđa river, while their summer abodes stretched over a much wider area of the Tara valley – the area of Nikšić of Potarje and Krička. Listed as number six, was a special community owned by Knez Herak. He also had a younger son of an unknown Christian name who, after converting into Islam, went by the name of Ibrahim. This Herak’s son was not listed in the katuns of the Vlach Nahiya and we can only assume that he was sent to Istanbul as a young boy before 1477 and converted there. During the ‘80s of 15th century, Ibrahim was a renowned Ottoman representative. Knez Herak’s community spent winters in Ljuboviđa with other communities, but in the summer they stayed only in Jelenjak. This by no means meant he was denied summer abodes but rather that he was privileged in a certain way and could enjoy a secured grassland on Vilenjak – the best pasture, without having to roam widely. Knez Herak had been in a years-long service of the Herzegovina Sanjak-bey, was well connected in the Porte and hence had an important role and was given responsible duties. His property comprised timars, chifl iks, and even – for a short while – the Trebinje priest nahiya. Despite the numerous duties, he never stayed outside his katun for long. When he was absent, his son Đurađ would replace him as the leader of the community. The Vlach Nahiya had 220 houses (of which 75.9% connected to the Vraneš family) and the total Vlach population was 1.128 inhabitants. This defter clearly shows that the processes of social stratifi cation and sedentism in these parts had already been well underway among the Vlachs. Later, some communities were excluded from Ljuboviđa Nahiya thus forming a new nahiya named Vraneš.[39]

Two symposiums on Medieval Katuns (1961) and on Vlachs (1973) greatly contributed to the research of Vlachs and their katuns.[40]

Table 5. The Individual Defter of Herzegovina Sanjak of 1477, Ljuboviđa Nahiya[41]

3. Rural settlements of Bihor fortress commander in Pasha Sanjak in 1477/78

During the Ottoman conquest, a considerable number of fortresses were destroyed in Polimlje. In the literature, Bihor has also been treated as one of the destroyed towns. However, the he count of the commander of Bihor fortress recorded activities in the years after the conquest.[42] That was actually the Summary Defter of Pasha Sanjak which included the area round Bihor at that time. The Defter listed 27 soldiers in the town of Bihor, all Muslims: the commander of the fortress (dizdar), imam and 25 garrison soldiers (mustahfi z). This defter lists the names of the garrison soldiers. Their source of income were timars which they held in the surrounding villages: Goduše, Poda, Donje Lozne, Radulića, Vrbice, etc. For this village, the defter documented the number of houses, bachelors, widows and gross income. One of the timariots was Dizdar Ilija who held tenure of the following villages: Zaton, Dobrinje, Donja Dubova, Rudna Brda, Jasen, Hranovci and Vlčak. He collected his income from 7 villages (155 houses, 28 bachelors, 13 widows, in total 11,415 akçes).[43] The Defter listed 49 rural settlements, one abandoned mezra, 940 households, 58 adult bachelors, 58 widows with the total revenue of 66,695 akçes and 5,084 inhabitants.

Table 6. Bihor Register in Pasha Sanjak of 1477/78[44]

4. The Inventory Defter of the Sanjak of Scutari of 1485

The Sanjak of Scutari was formed as a separate administrative unit after the fall of Rozafa fortress in 1479. Scutari was defeated by Bali-bey Malkočević. First, a comprehensive inventory of the newly conquered territory was completed and then the administrative unit named the Sanjak of Scutari was formed (it belonged to Eyalet of Rumeli). A governor – Sanjak-bey was appointed for the entire area.[45] Administratively and territorially, this region was divided into four municipal units – kazas – Scutari (Işkodra, Skadar), Depedőğen (Podgorica), Ipek (Peć) and Bihor. Owing to this detailed inventory defter of 1485 we have a comprehensive insight into the demographics and economy of the Sanjak of Scutari, the list of its inhabitants and their duties. This is the only Ottoman defter to list all the villages in in Upper and Central Polimlje of that time.[46]

a. Plav Nahiya

Plav Nahiya included villages in Plav-Gustinje ravine, downstream by the Lim from Novšić to Sućeska. Many of the villages listed in the Defter have kept their names to this day, but a few cannot be found by the names they then had. Compared to other nahiyas in the Lim valley, Plav Vilayet had the biggest population. The village with the biggest number of households was Ribari and the smallest was Novšić. [47] The population of the 15 villages of this nahiya was 5,562 inhabitants. Based on the data in the Defter, the villages were of medium size to big. As these defters were kept for fi scal purposes, we can reasonably assume that Ottoman authorities strove to enlist all the taxpayers of their respective areas. Hence, the reliability of the taxpayers’ information on the record must have been very high. The Defter allows us to gain an insight into which crops were grown and what the duties that farmers paid for each particular sort of crop were.

Table 7. Villages and population of Plav Nahiya in the Defter of Scutari of 1485[48]

b. Izla Rijeka Nahiya

The Scutari Defter of 1485 listed 12 villages in Izla Rijeka Nahiya. Today, almost all villages bear the same or slightly altered name and are situated in the region of Andrijevica stretching from Lukin Vir on the both banks of the Lim upstream to Sućeska and in the basin of the Zlorečica river. The Nahiya comprised 248 houses, 30 bachelors (bekâr) and 12 widow households. Same as its neighbouring nahiyas, Izla Rijeka Nahiya belonged to Scutari Sanjak-bey hass with the annual revenue of 15,837 akçes.[49]

Table 8. Villages and population of Izla Rijeka Nahiya in 1485[50]

c. Komnin (Budimlja) Nahiya

All the settlements of Komnin (Budimlja) Nahiya belonged to the Sanjak-bey’s hass, i.e. his personal estate. Although the nahiya was offi cially caled Komin, the Ottoman Defter of 1485 stated that the villages belonged to Budimlja (probably derived from a common personal name) which meant that the original name of the parish remained as the regional toponym. Komnin Nahiya had 29 villages – from Zaostro to Babino in the north Trepča, Šekular, and Gornja Rženica in the south.[51] Many of the villages still exist and thanks to the invaluable research of Academician Mitar Pešikan, we know names and geographical position of many of them.[52]

According to Scutari Defter of 1485, that was the fi rst time that the Muslim households of this area had been listed. Budimlja had a Muslim community of households headed by Širmerd, Ramazan, Karadža and Kurto. Budimlja was listed as a square (pazar) and the sanak-bey collected 4,200 akçes from the square.[53]

For the demographics of this area it is very important to point out that Scutari Defter of 1485 noted a considerable number of migrants in Budimlje which indicates a revival of villages of this area. However, not all the households of Budimlje Nahiya were listed. The Administrator’s note asserted that apart from the listed households of the villages of Lumenica (Lubnice) and Gošin, the remainder of the villagers “did not show up for the enumeration”.[54]

Table 9. The villages and population of Komnin (Budimlja) Nahiya in 1485[55]

d. Komarani Nahiya

In Central Polimlje, the census for this sanjak listed Komarani Nahiya (between Bijelo Polje and Brodarevo). Al the villages of Komarani Nahiya belonged to the Sanjak-bey hass. The Christians of the nahiya were listed as Vlachs (janë efllakë) and were obliged to pay the Vlachs’ duty and that is the reason why İspençe and other taxes were left out.[56]

The Table below shows that the nahiya comprised 15 villages, 1 monastery, 169 houses, 2 bachelors, 12 widows while the gross revenue was 12,512 akçes. Nahiya Komarani also included some villages of Prijepolje and Bijelo Polje regions. The toponym Komarani has remained to this day and now refers to the area on the left side of the Lim between Brodarevo and Bijelo Polje.[57]

Table 10. Villages and population of Komarani in 1485[58]

e. The Voynuks of Budimlje and Bihor in Scutary Defter of 1485

The last part of the Defter lists the voynuks of this sanjak. For some of the villages of Budimlje and Bihor areas, a considerable number of voynuks, members of this special military class comprising voynuks and their assistants - yamaks, were listed in the Defter. They had all been recruited in the villages of these areas. The voynuks lived as a privileged community. The institute of voynuks is of a Slav origin. This organisation had been taken over by the Ottomans after the Battle of Maritsa. Voynuks were recruited from the local Christian population, lowrank nobility and Vlachs. They could be employed in the various military services such as border defence, patrol service in the border areas or incursions into the enemy territory to perform military intelligence tasks. As a reward for performing their military duties both here and in other regions, the voynuks were given to exploit their baştinas free of any state taxes or feudal obligations. If they failed to fulfi l their military duties, they received a corporal punishment. The yamaks – voynuks’ assistants – were recruited from their families – sons, brothers, cousins and other relatives and also received some tax deductions. The lowest ranking voynuk units were called koplja (spears). They were composed of a voynuk and 2 to 7 yamaks. The lowest rank offi cers were called lagators, while the senior offi cers were çeribaşıs and Voynuk Sanjak-beys. The lagators had two to three times more yamaks than ordinary voynuks.[59]

Voynuks and yamaks were listed individually by their names for the following villages of Budimlje and Bihor nahiyas: Budimlja, Goražde, Šekular, Zaostro, Bidić, Petnjik, Ezmenica, Zamčina and Gusnova.[60]

It has not been established what sort of obligations these voynuks and yamaks had towards their highest superior offi cer, Scutari Sanjak-bey, but most probably they were not very high. In Vidin Sanjak, a voynuks’ koplja paid 2 akçes per year to their Sanjak-bey. Judging by the names of these voynuks, it can be concluded that yamaks from one village could be brothers but they served voynuks who were not their brothers. Sometimes an uncle and nephews were listed and some voynuks were marked as somebody’s relatives. The voynuk organisation could also conscript priests’ sons and occasionally common villagers with certain privileges. The data from Scutari Defter of 1485 reveal that the armoured men (cebelu) had 6 to 7 assistants, while common voynuks had 3 to 4.[61]

Although there is no accurate information on where the voynuks and yamaks from these parts served, they were defi nitely included in the defence system of the sanjak. Their units were stationed in Budimlje, Šekular and other villages which clearly shows that the Ottoman authorities readily employed medieval soldiers and free baştina holders to serve their goals.[62]

Conclusion

The Ottoman Defters rank among the most signifi cant historical sources as they contain various information on settlements and population and are a good starting point for establishing the essential facts. These logs clearly indicate how the Ottoman state expanded on the territory of Montenegro. The expansion was a lengthy process starting in 1455 with the conquest of the present-day Montenegrin Polimlje and competing in 1571 with the fall of Bar and Ulcinj.

In this paper, Montenegrin Polimlje refers to the territories of the following medieval nahiyas: Limski Nikšići, Ljuboviđa, Plav, Izla Rijeka, Komnin and Komarani. These nahiyas were situated in the area of the present-day north Montenegro. The following defters provide an abundance of valuable information on the settlements and population of this area: The Collective Cadastral Defter of the provincial governor Isa-Beg Ishaković of 1455, The Summary Defter of the Sanjak of Bosnia of 1468/69, The Individual Defter of The Sanjak of Herzegovina Vilayet of 1475/7, The Summary Defter of Pasha Sanjak of 1477/8, The Summary Defter of Bosnia Sanjak of 1485, The Inventory Defter of the Sanjak of Scutari of 1485 and the Comprehensive Defter of Bosnia Sanjak of 1489. The area of today’s Bijelo Polje comprised two large Vlach nahiyas – Limski Nikšići and Ljuboviđa. In 1455, Limski Nikšići was a part of Isa-Beg Ishaković Province but about ten years later it was annexed to Bosnia Sanjak. In 1475/77, Ljuboviđa Nahiya was in Herzegovina Sanjak. In 1485, nahiyas Plav, Izla Rijeka, Budimlja and Komarani were in Scutari Nahiya constituting Bihor Kaza. Bihor fortress was in this area and its commanders held timars in the rural settlements listed in Pasha Sanjak Defter of 1477/78. The sanjaks of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Pasha and Scutari bordered in Montenegrin Polimlje. The Appendix at the end of this paper contains two maps with numerous villages added and with the borders of nahiyas and sanjaks of the second half of 15th century outlined.

The population growth can be best observed for Limski Nikšići Nahya. The demographic changes of every village were well recorded in the defters. In the villages of Limski Nikšići, the population was 618 and was almost three times as big as in 1455. The infl ow of people, and a sharp increase in the number of inhabitants, households and villages was obvious. The 1485 Defter enumerated 844 people while four years later, a downward tendency was recorded when the population decreased to 690. Scutari Sanjak Defter recorded a certain number of newcomers, migrants and widows which all point to a certain degree of revival of the settlements in this area. In Bihor and Budimlje areas, the 1485 Defter listed voynuks and their assistants – yamaks who were incorporated into the military defence system on the territory of Scutari Sanjak.

Ottoman records show that the settlements of this area included a town (Bihor), Budimlja Square, a number of villages – usually smaller in size (6 – 20 houses), some medum-size ones (21 – 80 houses) and only a few bigger villages with over 81 households. The greatest population density was in Plav Nahiya and the smallest in Limski Nikšići. According to the data provided by these defters, in the period between 1455 and 1489, the population of 19,722 inhabitants was listed. A considerable number of villages listed in the defters have continued from the Middle Ages to the modern times.

APPENDICES

Appendix 1. Montenegrin Polimlje in the second half of 15th century

Appendix 2. Montenegrin Polimlje in the second half of 15th century

References

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  • ____________, Sumarni popis sandžaka Bosna iz 1468/69. godine, Islamski kulturni centar, Mostar 2008.
  • ____________, Katastarski popis ejaleta Bosna : opširni katastarski popis za oblast hercegovu iz 1585. godine, sv.1, Dobra knjiga, Sarajevo 2014.
  • Barkan, Lütfi Ömer, “Türkiye’de İmparatorluk Devrinin Büyük Nüfus ve Arazi Tahrirleri ve Hakana Mahsus İstatistik Defterler”, İktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası, Vol.II/1– 2, Istambul 1941, pp. 20–59.
  • ____________, “Timar”, İslam Ansiklopedisi, C. XII/I, MEB, İstanbul 1993, pp. 286– 333.
  • ____________, Hüdavendigar Livası Tahrir Defterleri 1. Cilt, TTK, Ankara 1988.
  • Blagojević, Miloš, “Vlaški knezovi, primićuri i čelnici u državi Nemanjića i Kotromanića”, Spomenica Milana Vasića, Banja Luka 2005, pp. 43–55.
  • Dragović, Ranko, Polimlje: priroda, turizam, održivi razvoj, Srpsko geografsko društvo, Beograd 2004.
  • Čar–Drnda, Hatidža, “Oblast hercega Stjepana Kosače prema podacima popisa iz 1468/69”, Zbornik radova: naučni skup herceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosača i njegovo doba, Mostar 2005, pp. 61– 68.
  • Dašić, Miomir, “Društveno- političke prilike na teritoriji današnje sjeveroistočne Crne Gore od druge polovine XV do kraja XVII vijeka”, Istorijski zapisi, Vol. 1−2, Titograd 1986, pp. 5–65.
  • ____________, Šekular i Šekularci od pomena do 1941. godine, Crnogorska akademija nauka i umjetnosti, Podgorica 2006.
  • Đurđev, Branislav,“O vojnucima, sa osvrtom na razvoj turskog feudalizma i na pitanje bosanskog aganluka”, Glasnik zemaljskog muzeja, Vol. II, Sarajevo 1947, pp. 75–137.
  • ____________, “Teritorijalizacija kaunske organizacije do kraja XV veka (katun – knežina – pleme)”, Simpozijum o srednjovjekovnom katunu Sarajevo 1963, pp. 143–169.
  • ____________, “Značaj podataka o Vlasima u popisu krajišta Isa–bega Ishakovića iz 1455. godine’, Godišnjak Društva istoričara Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. XV, Sarajevo 1964, pp. 63–78.
  • ____________, “O naseljavanju Vlaha–stočara u sjevernu Srbiju u drugoj polovini XV vijeka”, Godišnjak Društva istoričara Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. XXXV, Sarajevo 1984, pp. 9–34.
  • Ercan, Yavuz, Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Bulgarlar ve Voynuklar, Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara 1989.
  • Filipović, Milenko, “Struktura i organizacija srednjovekovnog katuna”, Simpozijum o srednjovjekovnom katunu, Sarajevo 1963, pp. 45–112.
  • Filipović, Nedim, “Pogled nа osmаnski feudаlizаm (sа nаročitim obzirom nа аgrаrne odnose)“, Godišnjаk istoriskog društvа Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. IV, Sаrаjevo 1952, pp. 35–50.
  • ____________, “Napomene o islamizaciji u Bosni i Hercegovini u XV vijeku”, Godišnjak, Vol. VII, Centar za balkanološka ispitivnja No. 5, Sarajevo 1970, pp. 147–152.
  • Filipović, Nedim, “Vlasi i uspostava timarskog sistema u Hercegovini“, Godišnjak Akademije nauka i umjetnosti BiH, Vol. XII, Sarajevo 1974, pp. 127–221.
  • ____________, “Islamizacija Vlaha u Bosni i Hercegovini u XV i XV vijeku”, Radovi ANU BiH, Vol. LXXIII, Sarajevo 1983, pp. 139–148.
  • Göyünç, Nejat, “Hâne Deyimi Hakkında”, İ.Ü. Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, Vol. 32, İstanbul 1979, pp. 331–348.
  • Hrabak, Bogumil, “Herak Vraneš”, Godišnjak Istorijskog društva Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. VII, Sarajevo 1955, pp. 53–64.
  • ____________, “Čelnici stočarskih zajednica u istočnoj Hercegovini u XIII–XIV veku”, Zbornik za istoriju Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. 2, Beograd 1997, pp. 139–159.
  • ____________, “Vojnuci u Trgovištu (Rožaju), Bihoru, Budimlji, Peći i Klopotniku 1485. godine”, Novopazarski zbornik, Vol. 30, Novi Pazar 2007, pp. 83–89.
  • İnalcık, Halil, Hicri 835 Tarihli Suret-i Defter-i Sancak-ı Arvanid, Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara 1954.
  • Işik, Mustafa, & Çevik, Zeki, “17 Numaralı, H.890/M.1485-1486 Tarihli Tapu Tahrir Defterine Göre Nefs-i İpek”, Balkanlar’da Osmanlı Mirası ve Defter-i Hâkânî, Cilt I, İstanbul 2015, pp. 29–43.
  • Jovаnović, Miloš, “Tаčnost podаtаkа i kontrolа”, Nаseljа i stаnovništvo u oblаsti Brаnkovićа 1455. godine, Beogrаd 2001, pp. 279–289.
  • Katić, Tatjana, “Tvrđava Bihor u 15. i 16. veku”, Đurđevi stupovi i Budimljanska eparhija, Berane – Beograd 2011, pp. 483−498.
  • Köç, Ahmet “15. Yüzyıl Sonlarına Doğru İskenderiye Sancak Beyinin Hasları”, Balkanlar’da Osmanlı Mirası ve Defter-i Hâkânî, Cilt I, Istambul 2015, pp. 45–69.
  • Kovačević-Kojić, Desanka, “Srednjovjekovni katun po dubrovačkim izvorima”, Simpozijum o srednjovjekovnom katunu, Sarajevo 1963, pp. 121–140.
  • Kupusović, Amina, “Defteri Hercegovačkog sandžaka u arhivu Orijentalnog instituta u Sarajevu”, in Zbornik radova: naučni skup herceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosača i njegovo doba, Mostar 2005, pp. 69–74.
  • Lowry, W. Heath, Fifteenth Century Ottoman Realities: Christian Peasant Life on the Aegean Island of Limnos, Eren Yayıncılık, İstanbul 2002.
  • Lowry, W. Heath, Studies in Defterology: Ottoman Society in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, The ISIS Press/Gorgias Pr. Llc., Istanbul 2012.
  • Lutovac, Milisav, “Dolina Lima – geografski značaj i privredno – geografske promene –”, Glasnik Srpskog geografskog društva, Vol. XLI–1, Beograd 1961, pp. 33–44.
  • Macura, Miloš, “Osmanski feudalizam”, Naselja i stanovništvo u oblasti Brankovića 1455. godine, Beograd 2001, pp. 475–547.
  • Memić, Mustafa, Plav i Gusinje u prošlosti, Veljko Vlahović – Kultura, Beograd 1989.
  • Miljković, Emа, “Turski feudalni sistem na Balkanu u prvom veku vladavine”, Naselja i stanovništvo u oblasti Brankovića 1455. godine, Beograd 2001, pp. 533–547.
  • ____________, “O znаčаju osmаnskih popisnih knjigа kаo istorijskih izvorа – nа primjeru defterа Smederevskog sаndžаkа”, Istorijski čаsopis, Vol. XLIX, Beogrаd 2002, pp. 123–137.
  • ____________, “Timаrski sistem u nаhiji Sjenicа u drugoj polovini XV vekа”, Mileševski zаpisi, Vol. 8, Prijepolje 2009,. pp. 97–108.
  • ____________, “Vlasi u domaćoj istoriografi ji”, Braničevski glasnik, Vol. 7, Požarevac 2010, pp. 5–22.
  • ____________, “Osmаnske popisne knjige defteri kаo izvori zа istorijsku demogrаfi ju – mogućnosti istrаživаnjа, tаčnost pokаzаteljа i metodološke nedoumice”, Teme, Vol. 1, Niš 2010, pp. 363–373.
  • ____________, “Ottoman Census Books as Sources for Historical Demography: Research Possibilities, Exactness and Methodological Doubts”, in Balkanlar’da Osmanlı Mirası ve Defter-i Hâkânî, Cilt I, Istambul 2015, pp. 71–79.
  • Mišić, Siniša, “Nаseljenost Polimljа u srednjem veku”, Mileševski zаpisi, Vol. 6, Prijepolje 2005, pp. 63–77.
  • Mulić, Jusuf, “Prilog istraživanju mogućnosti procjenjivanja broja stanovnika u Bosni i Hercegovini u vrijeme osmanske vladavine”, Hercegovina, Vol. 13−14, Mostar 2001, pp. 35–68.
  • Oruç, Hatice, “15. Yüzyılda Bosna Sancağı ve İdari Dağılımı”, OTAM, Vol. 18, Ankara 2006, pp. 249–271.
  • ____________, “Tahrîr defters on the Bosnian Sanjak”, Archivum Ottomanicum, Vol. 25, Wiesbaden 2008, pp. 255–282.
  • ____________, “Nahija Limski Nikšići u granicama Bosanskog i Hercegovačkog sandžaka u 15. i 16. stoljeću”, Historijska traganja, Vol. 10, Sarajevo 2012, pp. 155–180.
  • Pešikan, Mitar, “Zetsko–humska–raška imena na početku turskoga doba (drugi deo)”, Onomatološki prilozi, Vol. IV, Beograd 1983, pp. 1–133.
  • ____________, “O nаjstаrijim turskim popisimа predjelа SR Crne Gore”, Glаsnik Odjeljenjа umjetnosti CANU, Vol. 8, Titogrаd 1988, pp. 49–56.
  • Premović, Marijan, Župa Budimlja u srednjem vijeku, Državni arhiv Crne Gore, Cetinje 2012.
  • ____________, “Poljoprivreda nahije Bihor u XVI vijeku”, Glasnik Bihora, Vol. 1, Petnjica 2016, pp. 49–55.
  • Pulaha, Selami, Defteri i regjistrimit të Sanxhakut të Shkodrës i vitit 1485, Akademia e Shkencave e R P. të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, Tiranë 1974.
  • Radovi, LXXIII, Odjeljenje društvenih nauka, book 22, Ed. Desanka Kovačević–Kojić, Sarajevo 1983.
  • Rastoder, Šerbo, “Katak osvrt na proces islamizacije u Crnoj Gori”, Drugi susreti crnogorsko-turskog prijateljstva: uloga i značaj Dinastije Crnojević (1451-1530) u istorijskom i kulturološkom sučeljavanju i prožimanju naroda Crne Gore i Turske, Podgorica, 18–20. juna 2010.godine, Revija Forum, Podgorica, januar 2012, pp. 51–52.
  • Rašević, Miroslаv, “Demogrаfske prilike i stаnovništvo”, Nаseljа i stаnovništvo u oblаsti Brаnkovićа 1455. godine, Beogrаd 2001, pp. 411–454.
  • Rizaj, Skender, “O defteru Skadarskog sandžaka iz 1485. godine”, Jugoslovenski istorijski časopis, Vol. 1 – 2, Beograd 1980, pp. 106–126.
  • Simpozijum o srednjovjekovnom katunu održan 24. i 25 novembra 1961. g., Naučno društvo SR Bosne i Hercegovine, Ed. Milenko S. Filipović, Sarajevo 1963.
  • Šabanović, Hazim, “Upravna podjela jugoslovenskih zemalja pod turskom vladavinom do Karlovačkog mira 1699 god.”, Godišnjak Istoriskog društva Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. 4, Sarajevo 1952, pp. 172–204.
  • ____________, Bosanski pašaluk: postanak i upravna podjela, Naučno društvo NR Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo, 1959.
  • ____________, Krajište Isa-bega Ishakovića. Zbirni katastarski popis iz 1455. godine: uvod, turski tekst, prevod i komenatri , Orijentalni institut, Sarajevo 1964. Šćepanović, Žarko, Srednje Polimlje i Potarje. Istorijsko–etnološka rasprava, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti – Etnografski institut, Beograd 1979.
  • ____________, “Pregled prošlosti Bijelog Polja i okoline”, Bijelo Polje, Beograd 1987, pp. 89–97.
  • Šantić, Ferko, “Prijepoljski kraj u popisu Skadarskog sandžaka 1485. god.”, Simpozijum Seoski dani Sretena Vukosavljevića, Vol. XIII, Prijepolje 1990, pp. 273–280.
  • Stojanovski, Aleksandar, “Popis vojnuka s kraja XV veka”, Vranjski glasnik, Vol. XXXII, Vranje 1989, pp. 146–152.
  • Tomović, Gordana, “Župa Ljuboviđa”, Kralj Vladislav i Srbija XIII veka, Beograd 2003, pp. 47–62.
  • Tošić, Đuro, “O vlaškoj skupini Vraneši u nahiji Ljuboviđa”, Mileševski zapisi, Vol. 2, Prijepolje 1996, pp. 101–115.
  • Zirojević, Olga, “Mlinovi u vreme turske vladavine (od XV do XVIII veka)”, Simpozijum Seoski dani Sretena Vukosavljevića, Vol. VI, Prijepolje 1978, pp. 153 – 161.
  • ____________, Tursko vojno uređenje u Srbiji (1459–1683), Istorijski institut, Beogrаd 1974.
  • Zundhausen, Holm, Istorija Srbije od 19. do 21. veka, Clio, Beograd 2008.

Footnotes

  1. Milisav Lutovac, “Dolina Lima – geografski značaj i privredno – geografske promene”, Glasnik Srpskog geografskog društva, Vol. XLI–1, Beograd 1961, pp. 33–34; Ranko Dragović, Polimlje: priroda, turizam, održivi razvoj, Srpsko geografsko društvo, Beograd 2004, pp. 23–24.
  2. Marijan Premović, Župa Budimlja u srednjem vijeku, Državni arhiv Crne Gore, Cetinje 2012, pp. 39−40 (hereafter: Premović, Župa Budimlja).
  3. Holm Zundhausen, Istorija Srbije od 19. do 21. veka, Clio, Beograd 2009, pp. 40–42; Šerbo Rastoder, “Katak osvrt na proces islamizacije u Crnoj Gori”, Drugi susreti crnogorsko – turskog prijateljstva: uloga i značaj Dinastije Crnojević (1451–1530) u istorijskom i kulturološkom sučeljavanju i prožimanju naroda Crne Gore i Turske, Podgorica, 18–20. juna 2010. godine, Revija Forum, Podgorica 2012, p. 51.
  4. There is a considerable number of studies on the Ottoman Censuses of which we only present the following selection: Halil İnalcık, Hicri 835 Tarihli Suret-i Defter-i Sancak-ı Arvanid, Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara 1954; Hazim Šabanović, Krajište Isa– bega Ishakovića,The Oriental Institute, Sarajevo 1964, pp. XXI–LVI (Introduction) (hereafter: Šabanović, Krajište Isa-bega); Ömer Lütfi Barkan, Hüdavendigar Livası Tahrir Defterleri 1. Cilt, TTK, Ankara 1988; Ema Miljković–Bojаnić, “O znаčаju osmаnskih popisnih knjigа kаo istorijskih izvorа–nа primjeru defterа Smederevskog sаndžаkа”, Istorijski čаsopis, Vol. XLIX, Beogrаd 2002, pp. 123–137; Heath W. Lowry, Fifteenth Century Ottoman Realities: Christian Peasant Life on the Aegean Island of Limnos, Eren Yayıncılık, İstanbul 2002; Amina Kupusović, “Defteri Hercegovačkog sandžaka u arhivu Orijentalnog instituta u Sarajevu”, Zbornik radova: naučni skup herceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosača i njegovo doba, Mostar 2005, pp. 69–74; Hatice Oruç, “15. Yüzyılda Bosna Sancağı ve İdari Dağılımı”, OTAM, Vol.18, Ankara 2006, pp. 249–269 (hereafter: Oruç, “15. Yüzyılda Bosna”); Hatice Oruç, “Tahrîr defters on the Bosnian Sanjak”, Archivum Ottomanicum, Vol. 25, Wiesbaden 2008, pp. 255–282; Ema Miljković, “Osmаnske popisne knjige defteri kаo izvori zа istorijsku demogrаfi ju–mogućnosti istrаživаnjа, tаčnost pokаzаteljа i metodološke nedoumice”, Teme, Vol. 1, Niš 2010, pp. 363–373 (hereafter: Miljković, “Osmаnske popisne knjige”); Heath W. Lowry, Studies in Defterology: Ottoman Society in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, The ISIS Press/ Gorgias Pr. Llc., Istanbul 2012; Аhmed S. Aličić, Katastarski popis ejaleta Bosna: opširni katastarski popis za oblast hercegovu iz 1585. godine, sv.1, Dobra knjiga, Sarajevo 2014, pp. VII–XV; Ema Miljković, “Ottoman Census Books as Sources for Historical Demography: Research Possibilities, Exactness and Methodological Doubts”, Balkanlar’da Osmanlı Mirası ve Defter-i Hâkânî, Cilt I, Istambul 2015, pp. 71–79.
  5. The Defter is kept in the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives in Istanbul as Maliye defteri No 544. The Defter was prepared and published by Šabanović, Krajište Isa-bega, pp. XLVII–XLIX (Introduction).
  6. Oruç, “15. Yüzyılda Bosna”, p. 254; The original Defter manuscript is kept in the Municipal Library of Istanbul as Muallim Cevdet Yazmalari No 0097. The Defter was recently prepared and published by Аhmed S. Aličić, Sumarni popis sandžaka Bosna iz 1468/69. godine, Islamski kulturni centar, Mostar 2008, pp. XI–XXV (Introduction) (hereafter: Aličić, Sumarni popis).
  7. The original Defter manuscript is kept in The Government Archives of Turkey as 05. Аhmed S. Aličić, Poimenični popis sandžaka vilajeta Hercegovina, Orijentalni institut, Sarajevo 1985, pp. I–III (Introduction) (hereafter: Aličić, Poimenični popis).
  8. Tatjana Katić, “Tvrđava Bihor u 15. i 16. veku ”, Đurđevi stupovi i Budimljanska eparhija, Berane–Beograd 2011, pp. 483−498 (hereafter: Katić, “Tvrđava Bihor”).
  9. Selami Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit të Sanxhakut të Shkodrës i vitit 1485, Akademia e Shkencave e R P. të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, Tiranë 1974, pp. 3–46 (hereafter: Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit).
  10. These two defters of 1485 and 1489, which refer to Limski Nikšići Nahiya, were published by: Hatice Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići u granicama Bosanskog i Hercegovačkog sandžaka u 15. i 16. stoljeću”, Historijska traganja, Vol. 10, Sarajevo 2012, pp. 155–180 (hereafter: Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići”).
  11. More on the relevance of the Ottoman Defters as historical sources in: Miljković, “Osmаnske popisne knjige”, pp. 363–373.
  12. Hazim Šabanović, Bosanski pašaluk: postanak i upravna podjela, Naučno društvo NR Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 1959, p. 110 (hereafter: Šabanović, Bosanski pašaluk).
  13. Miroslаv Rаšević, “Demogrаfske prilike i stаnovništvo”, Nаseljа i stаnovništvo u oblаsti Brаnkovićа 1455. godine, Beogrаd 2001, pp. 425–428 (hereafter: Rаšević, “Demogrаfske prilike”); Sinišа Mišić, “Nаseljenost Polimljа u srednjem veku”, Mileševski zаpisi, Vol. 6, Prijepolje 2005, pp. 70–76. The following works have not been used in the presentation of the Polimlje population: Summary list of Sandzak from 1468/69, Summary list of Pasha Sandzak from 1477/8, Summary defter Bosnian sanjak from 1485 and Detailed defter Bosnian sanjak from 1489. Year
  14. Rаšević, “Demogrаfske prilike i stаnovništvo”, p. 428; See also: Jusuf Mulić, “Prilog istraživanju mogućnosti procjenjivanja broja stanovnika u Bosni i Hercegovini u vrijeme osmanske vladavine”, Hercegovina, Vol. 13−14, Mostar 2001, pp. 42–46.
  15. Ömer Lütfi Barkan, “Türkiye’de İmparatorluk Devrinin Büyük Nüfus ve Arazi Tahrirleri ve Hakana Mahsus İstatistik Defterler”, İktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası, Vol.II/1–2, Istambul 1941, p. 21.
  16. Nejat Göyünç, “Hâne Deyimi Hakkında”, İ.Ü. Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, Vol. 32, İstanbul 1979, pp. 331–348.
  17. Miljković, “Ottoman Census Books”, pp. 74–75.
  18. Rаšević, “Demogrаfske prilike”, p. 430.
  19. Miloš Jovanović, “Tačnost podataka i kontrola”, Naselja i stanovništvo u oblasti Brankovića 1455. godine, Beograd 2001, pp. 279–281.
  20. Ema Miljković, “Pljevaljsko društvo–preobražaj srpskog trga u osmansku kasabu”, Istorija Pljevalja, Pljevlja 2009, p. 104.
  21. Miloš Jovanović, “Tačnost podataka i kontrola”, Naselja i stanovništvo u oblasti Brankovića 1455. godine, Beograd 2001, pp. 279–289; Miljković, “Osmаnske popisne knjige”, pp. 367–368. For every count, the High Porte constituted The Census Commission consisting of an emin (administrator) and a katib (clerk). In the census carried out in the Isa-beg’s province, the administrator was named as Aliya, the son of Hadži Jakub, while the clerk’s name was left out. In the Bosnia-sanyak census of 1468/69, the administrator was Ays-bey and the clerk was Ahmed. In the individual census of sanyaks of Herzegovina vilayet, the administrator was Melvan Vildar and the clerk was Pir Muhamed. In the introduction to the Scutari sanyak of 1485, the emin was Mustafa Saradželdin and with him – Suleyman Abdulah. More about this in: Šabanović, Krajište Isa-bega, pp. XXX–XXXIV (Introduction); Aličić, Poimenični popis, pp. I–V, 2; Aličić, Sumarni popis, pp. XV–XVI (Introduction); Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 3–9; Skender Rizaj, “O defteru Skadarskog sandžaka iz 1485. godine”, Jugoslovenski istorijski časopis, Vol. 1–2, Beograd 1980, pp. 106–110 (hereinafter: Rizaj, “O defteru”); Miljković, “Osmаnske popisne knjige”, pp. 365–366.
  22. On the Ottoman timar system and its character fi nd more in: Nedim Filipović, “Pogled nа osmаnski feudаlizаm (sа nаročitim obzirom nа аgrаrne odnose)”, Godišnjаk istoriskog društvа Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. IV, Sаrаjevo 1952, pp. 35–50; Olgа Zirojević, Tursko vojno uređenje u Srbiji (1459–1683), Istorijski institut, Beogrаd 1974, pp. 102–105 (hereafter: Zirojević, Tursko vojno uređenje); Ömer Lütfi Barkan (1993). “Timar”, İslam Ansiklopedisi, C.XII/I (MEB), İstanbul 1993, pp. 286–333; Miloš Macura, “Osmanski feudalizam”, Naselja i stanovništvo u oblasti Brankovića 1455. godine, Beograd 2001, pp. 476–484, 515–517; Ema Miljković, “Turski feudalni sistem na Balkanu u prvom veku vladavine”, Naselja i stanovništvo u oblasti Brankovića 1455. godine, Beograd 2001, pp. 533–539; Emа Miljković, “Timаrski sistem u nаhiji Sjenicа u drugoj polovini XV vekа”, Mileševski zаpisi, Vol. 8, Prijepolje 2009, pp. 97–99; Leyla Aksu Kiliç, “Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırmalarında Tımar Ve Zeamet Ruznamçe Defterleri”, Studies Of The Ottoman Domain, Cilt 7, Sayı 12, Şubat 2017, pp. 106–137.
  23. Šabanović, Bosanski pašaluk, p. 34; Šabanović, Krajište Isa-bega, pp. 13, 58–59.
  24. Branislav Đurđev, “Teritorijalizacija katunske organizacije do kraja XV veka (katun – knežina – pleme)”, Simpozijum o srednjovjekovnom katunu, Sarajevo 1963, p. 149; Branislav Đurđev, “Značaj podataka o Vlasima u popisu krajišta Isa–bega Ishakovića iz 1455. godine”, Godišnjak društva istoričara Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. XV, Sarajevo 1964, pp. 63–64, 76; Nedim Filipović, “Vlasi i uspostava timarskog sistema u Hercegovini“, Godišnjak Akademije nauka i umjetnosti BiH, Vol. XII, Sarajevo 1974, pp. 131, 135 (hereafter: Filipović, “Vlasi“); Žarko Šćepanović, Srednje Polimlje i Potarje. Istorijsko–etnološka rasprava., Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti – Etnografski institut, Beograd 1979, pp. 64–66; Branislav Đurđev, “O naseljavanju Vlaha– stočara u sjevernu Srbiju u drugoj polovini XV vijeka”, Godišnjak društva istoričara Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. XXXV, Sarajevo 1984, p. 16; General overview of the Ottoman census from the fi fteenth century to the present territory of Montenegro gave Mitar Pešikan, “O nаjstаrijim turskim popisimа predjelа SR Crne Gore”, Glаsnik Odjeljenjа umjetnosti CANU, Vol. 8, Titogrаd 1988, pp. 49–56, 51 (Limski Nikšići); Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići”, pp. 157–158.
  25. Šabanović, Krajište Isa-bega, pp. 13, 58–59.
  26. Šabanović, Bosanski pašaluk, pp. 115–118; Hаtidžа Čar–Drnda, “Oblast hercega Stjepana Kosače prema podacima popisa iz 1468/69”, Zbornik radova: naučni skup herceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosača i njegovo doba, Mostar 2005, pp. 61–66.
  27. Aličić, Sumarni popis, p. 22; Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići”, pp. 165–166. In Scutari Sanjak Defter of 1485 Ahmet was listed as the holder of a deserted village of Nikolja Crkve Spoče (Rakonje) with the gross revenue of 50 akçes. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, p. 72.
  28. Aličić, Sumarni popis, p. 22.
  29. Aličić, Sumarni popis, pp. 22–24.
  30. Aličić, Sumarni popis, pp. 22–24; Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići”, pp. 160–161.
  31. Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići”, pp. 162, 165–166.
  32. Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići”, pp. 165–166.
  33. Cemaat-i Efl akan-i nahiyet-i Nikšići, Efl ak adetin verirler, kadim sipahidirler, evden eve birer fi lori verir, erkek koyun ve bir kuzulu koyun ve her elli eve bir cergi ve her altmış eve bir koc veyahud bu zikr olanlarun bahaların verirler ve on beş eve bir eşkunci verirler Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići”, p. 162, note 24.
  34. Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići”, pp. 163–166.
  35. Oruç, “Nahija Limski Nikšići”, pp. 165–166.
  36. Aličić, Poimenični popis, pp. 50–54.
  37. Župa was the smallest administrative and territorial unit in the medieval Zeta and Serbia. Originally, it was a geographical unit. It could be a river valley, a ravine, karst, or a cultivated plain. A big number of župas was named after the river valleys in which they were. Župa Ljuboviđa in Polimlje was named after the river of the same name. Sima Ćirković – Rade Mihaljčić, Leksikon srpskog srednjeg veka, Beograd 1999, pp. 195–197.
  38. The Knez title was used to denote an independent ruler with political prerogatives who represented the Vlachs and established winter and summer abodes, as well as regulate katuns (summer pastures). A Knez was obliged to organise mercenaries and border guards (derbenci) and to assist with collecting the Vlach rent. Only a small number of Vlach leaders could bear the Knez title and katun leadership was hereditary which lead to the formation of the katun head family. Milenko Filipović, “Struktura i organizacija srednjovekovnog katuna”, Simpozijum o srednjovjekovnom katunu, Sarajevo 1963, pp. 84–91; Desanka Kovačević-Kojić, “Srednjovjekovni katun po dubrovačkim izvorima”, Simpozijum o srednjovjekovnom katunu, Sarajevo 1963, pp. 123–139; Đurđev, “Teritorijalizacija kaunske organizacije”, pp. 162–167; Nedim Filipović, “Napomene o islamizaciji u Bosni i Hercegovini u XV vijeku”, Godišnjak, Vol. VII, Centar za balkanološka ispitivanja No. 5, Sarajevo 1970, pp. 147–152; Nedim Filipović, “Islamizacija Vlaha u Bosni i Hercegovini u XV i XV vijeku”, Radovi ANU BiH, Vol. LXXIII, Sarajevo 1983, pp. 140–142; Bogumil Hrabak, “Čelnici stočarskih zajednica u istočnoj Hercegovini u XIII–XIV veku”, Zbornik za istoriju Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. 2, Beograd 1997, pp. 139–159 (hereafter: Hrabak, “Čelnici stočarskih zajednica”); Miloš Blagojević, “Vlaški knezovi, primićuri i čelnici u državi Nemanjića i Kotromanića”, Spomenica Milana Vasića, Banja Luka 2005, pp. 43–55.
  39. Šabanović, Bosanski pašaluk, p. 166; Aličić, Poimenični popis, pp. 50–54; Bogumil Hrabak, “Herak Vraneš”, Godišnjak Istorijskog društva Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. VII, Sarajevo 1955, pp. 53–64; Filipović, “Vlasi “, pp. 140, 144–155; Žarko Šćepanović, “Pregled prošlosti Bijelog Polja i okoline”, Bijelo Polje, Beograd 1987, pp. 94−95; Hrabak, “Čelnici stočarskih zajednica”, pp. 151, 154; Đuro Tošić, “O vlaškoj skupini Vraneši u nahiji Ljuboviđa”, Mileševski zapisi, Vol. 2, Prijepolje 1996, pp. 101–115; Gordana Tomović, “Župa Ljuboviđa”, Kralj Vladislav i Srbija XIII veka, Beograd 2003, p. 59.
  40. Simpozijum o srednjovjekovnom katunu održan 24. i 25 novembra 1961. g., Naučno društvo SR Bosne i Hercegovine, posebna izdanja knj. 2, Odjeljenje istorijsko-fi loloških nauka knj. 1, Ed Milenko S. Filipović, Sarajevo 1963; Radovi, knj. LXXIII, Odjeljenje društvenih nauka knj. 22, Ed. Desanka Kovačević -Kojić, Sarajevo 1983; Review of national historiography of the Vlachs announced Ema Miljković, “Vlasi u domaćoj istoriografi ji”, Braničevski glasnik, Vol. 7, Požarevac 2010, pp. 5–22.
  41. Aličić, Poimenični popis, pp. 50–54.
  42. More on this in: Marijan Premović, “Poljoprivreda nahije Bihor u XVI vijeku”, Glasnik Bihora, Vol. 1, Petnjica 2016, pp. 49–55.
  43. Katić, “Tvrđava Bihor”, pp. 483−498.
  44. Katić, “Tvrđava Bihor”, pp. 492−498.
  45. Hazim Šabanović,“Upravna podjela jugoslovenskih zemalja pod turskom vladavinom do Karlovačkog mira 1699 god.”, Godišnjak Istoriskog društva Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. 4, Sarajevo 1952, p. 185; See: Mustafa Işik & Zeki Çevik, “17 Numaralı, H.890/M.1485-1486 Tarihli Tapu Tahrir Defterine Göre Nefs-i İpek”, Balkanlar’da Osmanlı Mirası ve Defter-i Hâkânî, Cilt I, Istambul 2015, pp. 29–43; Ahmet Köç, “15. Yüzyıl Sonlarına Doğru İskenderiye Sancak Beyinin Hasları”, Balkanlar’da Osmanlı Mirası ve Defter-i Hâkânî, Cilt I, Istambul 2015, pp. 45–69.
  46. Rizaj, “O defteru”, pp. 105–125.
  47. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 96–112; Miomir Dašić, “Društveno – političke prilike na teritoriji današnje sjeveroistočne Crne Gore od druge polovine XV do kraja XVII vijeka”, Istorijski zapisi, Vol. 1−2, Titograd 1986, pp. 23−24; Mustafa Memić, Plav i Gusinje u prošlosti, Veljko Vlahović – Kultura, Beograd 1989, pp. 39–43.
  48. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 96–112.
  49. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 112–119; The names and locations of these settlements brings Mitar Pešikan, “Zetsko-humsko-raška imena na početku turskog doba (drugi deo)”, Onomatološki prilozi, Vol. IV, Beograd 1983, pp. 84−85 (hereafter: Pešikan, “Zetsko-humsko-raška imena”).
  50. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 112–119.
  51. Premović, Župa Budimlja, pp. 43–46.
  52. For all historical and geographical research of the demographics of Polimlje, Academician linguist Mitar Pešikan’s work is invaluable. He was a great language expert and could precisely identify the origin of toponyms. Pešikan, “Zetsko-humsko-raška imena ”, pp. 75–82.
  53. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 73–74; Premović, Župa Budimlja, p. 42.
  54. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, p. 80.
  55. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 73–91.
  56. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 91–96; Rizaj, “O defteru”, pp. 106–116; Ferko Šantić, “Prijepoljski kraj u popisu Skadarskog sandžaka 1485. god.”, Simpozijum Seoski dani Sretena Vukosavljevića, Vol. XIII, Prijepolje 1990, pp. 273–280; M. Pešikan corrected S. Pulah’s interpretation in several places. Pešikan, “Zetsko-humsko-raška imena”, pp. 76–79.
  57. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 91–96.
  58. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 91–96.
  59. More on this in: Branislav Đurđev, “O vojnucima, sa osvrtom na razvoj turskog feudalizma i na pitanje bosanskog aganluka”, Glasnik zemaljskog muzeja, Vol. II, Sarajevo 1947, pp. 75–137; Zirojević, Tursko vojno uređenje, pp. 162–169; Miljković, “Turski feudalni sistem”, p. 542; Bogumil Hrabak, “Vojnuci u Trgovištu (Rožaju), Bihoru, Budimlji, Peći i Klopotniku 1485. godine”, Novopazarski zbornik, Vol. 30, Novi Pazar 2007, pp. 83–89; Voynuks wore black clothes without exception and such uniforms were obligatory for their assistants – yamaks, as well. The katun-nama states about Voynuks: if a voynuk was summoned into a campaign, he had to go to Istanbul with a horse and a scythe. Yavuz Ercan, Osmanli Imparatorluğunda Bulgarlar ve Voynuklar, Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara 1989, p. 22.
  60. Pulaha, Defteri i regjistrimit, pp. 411–413.
  61. More on this in: Zirojević, Tursko vojno uređenje, pp. 162–169; Hrabak, “Vojnuci”, pp. 83–89; Compare: Aleksandar Stojanovski, “Popis vojnuka s kraja XV veka”, Vranjski glasnik, Vol. XXXII, Vranje 1989, pp. 146–152.

Şekil ve Tablolar

Appendix 1. Montenegrin Polimlje in the second half of 15th century
Appendix 2. Montenegrin Polimlje in the second half of 15th century
Table 1. The provinces of Isa-Beg Ishaković (The Collective Cadastral Defter of 1455), vilayet Nikšići [25]
Table 2. The Summary Defter of Bosnia Sanjak of 1468/69 for Nahiya Limski Nikšići [29]
Table 3. Rural settlements and the population in Limski Nikšići Nahiya in Bosnia Sanjak Defter of 1485[32]
Table 4. Villages and population in Limski Nikšići Nahiya in the Bosnia Sanjak Defter of 1489[35]
Table 5. The Individual Defter of Herzegovina Sanjak of 1477, Ljuboviđa Nahiya[41]
Table 6. Bihor Register in Pasha Sanjak of 1477/78[44]
Table 7. Villages and population of Plav Nahiya in the Defter of Scutari of 1485[48]
Table 8. Villages and population of Izla Rijeka Nahiya in 1485[50]
Table 9. The villages and population of Komnin (Budimlja) Nahiya in 1485[55]
Table 10. Villages and population of Komarani in 1485[58]